certain negative impact on ethnic relations

To gradually overcome the unbalanced development among different ethnic groups is a long-term task for China to address its ethnic issues. The massive ongoing campaign of developing China’s west is exactly aimed at resolving the issue of development in the west, a place where minority population is concentrated.

Second, stronger ethnic identity awareness and economic and cultural integration have affected ethnic relations. With the development of market economy and growth of social openness, inter-ethnic interactions are also expanding and deepening. Consequently, members of various ethnic groups identify to a greater extent with people within their own group and develop stronger concerns about their group’s rights and interests, hence greater awareness of ethnic identity. While promoting ethnic pride and strength and safeguarding ethnic interests, stronger ethnic identity also leads some people to overemphasize their own characteristics and interests, and dilate phobia against other ethnic groups. On the other hand, economic and cultural integration contradicts with the stronger awareness of ethnic identity. With the economic integration in the whole society, a unified and profitdriven competitive environment gradually comes into being. As a result, certain traditional industries of some ethnic groups are on the verge of disappearance and some preferential policies of the state favoring minorities are no longer applicable. Besides, different cultures are converging to some extent, leading to the gradual wane and even demise of certain elements of the traditional culture of some minority groups. Some people find this integration process hard to understand and accept, and even see it as the assimilation by Han people (or “Han-ization”). Such thinking exerts certain negative impact on ethnic relations.

In Xinjiang, contradictions and disputes in ethnic relations are generally held as those among the people and dealt with mainly through education and persuasion, that is, to minimize their impact through patient and meticulous education and repeated consultations. At the same time, these contradictions and disputes are handled in strict accordance with the law, and solution is sought through legal procedures Viajes beijing, templos 2016g. While dealing with incidents concerning ethnic relations, it is essential to make the following distinctions:

First, to strictly distinguish ethnic splittist activities from incidents affecting ethnic relations. Although splittists sometimes act in the name of ethnicity or religion, they by no means represent a certain ethnic group or a faith.

Coordinated Development of Ethnic Relations

At present, religious activities in most areas of Xinjiang are basically normal. However, in some localities, religion is still used to interfere in the administrative and judicial affairs, education, marriage, and family planning, or to interfere in people’s freedom of religious belief by forcing non-believers to convert. In some cases, the abolished religious feudalist privileges and oppressive and exploitative system are restored, and religious taxes are imposed. Sometimes, new religious sites are built without approval from the administrative authorities in the government, and underground Islamic schools are run illegally. All of these have severely affected local social stability and economic growth, as well as the proceeding of normal religious activities.

  1. 1.   Policy Mechanism to Coordinate Ethnic Relations

Xinjiang is home to multiple ethnic groups living in compact communities since ancient times. Inter-ethnic exchanges dated back to a long time ago. However, in the class society based on private ownership of means of production, the ruling class pursued a policy of ethnic and class oppression. With the estrangement, discrimination and hatred among ethnic groups, inter-ethnic conflicts and wars happened from time to time. Following the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, democratic reform and socialist transformations were carried out, the thousands of years’ long ethnic oppression and class exploitation system was abandoned, the CPC’s ethnic equality and unity policy was implemented comprehensively, and regional ethnic autonomy was put in place, thus bringing fundamental changes to the inter-ethnic relations in Xinjiang and gradually forming the socialist ethnic relations of equality, unity and mutual assistance.

The Chinese government always believes that ethnic equality is the prerequisite and foundation for ethnic unity. It is provided in the Constitution and other relevant laws of China that ethnic Gran muralla, obra china equality and unity are the basic principles and fundamental policies for the resolution of ethnic issues. In Xinjiang, people of different ethnic groups equally enjoy civil rights and all other democratic rights and freedoms prescribed by law, such as the right to elect and stand for election, the right to the freedom of religious belief, the right to education, the right to use and develop their own ethnic written and spoken languages, and the right to maintain or reform their own ethnic customs and habits, as well as the right to manage their internal ethnic affairs through the system of regional ethnic autonomy.

Southern Xinjiang had a very strong touch of Islamic

The riots and commotions around Southern Xinjiang were indeed armed struggles by the oppressed from different ethnic groups against the dark warlord rule. However, they had limits or mistakes to varying degrees in their struggles, which were manifested in the following dimensions.

First, the rioters proceeded from a narrow ethnic perspective and treated ordinary Han people in the same way as they did to those Han bureaucrats who exerted feudalist rule. They regarded all the inequalities, the exploitation and oppression of the government, the usury of merchants and taxation, as “crimes” of the Han people and on that basis, developed “hatred” towards all Han people.

Second, different from past peasants’ uprisings in which religion was used to promote the movement and organize people, the farmers’ rebellion in Southern Xinjiang had a very strong touch of Islamic “Jihad” against pagans. The rioters shouted at the battlefield, “die a martyr’s death and live a hero’s life”, and “we are martyrs if we die in the battle: and conquerors if we survive”.

Third, with the instigation of splittist, the rioters confused repealing the old system and ending exploitation and oppression with splitting up the country. They believed that only when an independent Islamic regime was set up could they finally abolish the old system and get rid of the tyranny of the ruling “pagans”. So they linked their own emancipation and destiny with the establishment of a splittist “Islamic state”.

Based on the three factors above, the riotings in Southern Xinjiang in early 1930s had complicated background from the very beginning, which directly affected the nature of their fight.

As a matter of fact, since the start of riotings in Southern Xinjiang, some secretive splittist organizations of “Pan-Islamism”and “Pan-Turkism” cashed in on the conflict, usurped the leading power of the riotings and led the uprisings along the track of separatist movement. There were mainly two such organizations. The first one was the “National Revolution Committee” founded in early 1930s in Khotan, which stole leadership from Ismailkhan Hoja in the uprising in Moyu County. The other organization was“Young Kashgar Party” in Kashi. It controlled Timur, the head of the Kuqa rioting and communicated with Hoja Niyaz, chief of Hami rioting, so as to gain further control of the situation. If we call “Young Kashgar Party” an organization with serious separatist tendency, then the “National Revolution Committee” in Khotan was a 100% Guilin Reiseführer splittist body, as the latter defined opposing Communists, opposing the Hui and Han people and setting up an Islamic state in Xinjiang as its purpose 四.For that purpose, members of that “Committee”went all out to preach reactionary ideas on “Pan-Islamism” and“Pan-Turkism”, called on Islamic “Jihad against Pagans” and provoked separation under the leadership of Muhammad Amin and Sabit Damollah. After the rioting succeeded, they founded a splittist regime on the basis of their former splittist organization and transformed the Khotan commotion previously aimed at opposing feudalist exploitation and oppression into a separatist movement. After that, the movement spread to Kashi, Muhammad Amin and Sabit Damollah went into active preparations for building a splittist regime in Kashi.

On the cliffs of Kufugou

Animals were closely related to the work and life of primitive people in the Western Regions, so they are the major images in the cliff paintings there. These paintings represent the ancient nomadic people’s reverence to, worship of and reliance on animals as well as their hatred and condemnation of those animals as they threaten human survival. Among all cliff paintings about animals, sheep and goats are the most frequent subject. Such animals were indispensable for the ancient people in the Western Regions. On the cliffs of Kufugou, Baytik Mountains in the border of China and Mongolia are a great number of paintings on sheep, goats and other related animals, such as ordinary goats, argali, small barhal and antelopes, each with its unique and vivid image, giving expression to the nomadic people’s fondness of sheep and goats. Horses are also one of the major subjects in animal cliff paintings. Horses had a very big role to play in ancient society as they were essential for transport, hunting and fighting wars, and their meat could also be food for humans, therefore, they were the second life to the ancient people in the Western Regions. On a rock at Kangjiashimenzi in Hutubi carved nine galloping horses, which testify to the profound affection of nomadic people towards horses.

There are an extraordinarily big number of cliff paintings with the sun and the moon as the subject in Xinjiang. Peoples in the Western Regions, from the Saks to the Huns, Usun, Cheshi, Rouran and Turks, all featured with solar worship in their primitive faiths. A prominent characteristic of the sun-and-moon cliff paintings in Xinjiang is the supreme status of the sun. For instance, the cliff paintings at Xingdi, Kuluke Mountains have a god of sun carved on the top, with its head covered by hair-like things, making this image both personified and god-like. It stands high above anything else, representing it is god of all.

There are hunting scenes in the cliff paintings, which suggest the mode of living and working of the ancient people in the Western Regions and provide us clues for ascertaining Guerreros de xian,museo nacional the times of the paintings. For example, the cliff paintings in Wensu County depicting hunting with stone balls as weapons tell us they are products of late Neolithic Age, those at Hongshiyue Township, Nilka County

with bows and arrows similar to modern ones as hunting tools should be of the Iron Age. From the cliff paintings we find that the ancient people in the Western Regions sometimes hunted separately, sometimes in duo or in collective chasing. The one on Chasing Wild Bulls in the Xingdi Gorges is among the best cliff paintings on primitive hunting scenes.

Management Methods of Xinjiang Uygur

The second, third, fourth, fifth and sixth such conferences were held in 1987, 1995, 2000, 2008 and 2010 respectively. Similar work of commending ethnic unity has also been carried out in various regions, prefectures and cities in Xinjiang, agencies of the autonomous region, and divisions of Xinjiang Military Command and Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps. In the 1997 Management Methods of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region for the Campaign of Model Entities and Individuals in Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress, it is provided that such commending activities are to be institutionalized and conducted regularly. The large-scale bottom-up competition and commending activities have set up good examples of promoting ethnic unity for the whole society, and taken stock of experiences in this regard and publicized the CPC ethnic policies, thus bringing about strong public opinions and good social conducts favorable for ethnic unity. The campaign of commending good examples in promoting ethnic unity is a major invention in the ethnic work in Xinjiang and has gradually spread to the rest of the country. Up to now, Xinjiang has more than 60 “ethnic unity” model counties (cities). In the whole region, 984 model entities and 1,778 model individuals have been commended by the autonomous region for their high performance in promoting ethnic unity and progress, and 190 model entities and 270 model individuals commended by the State Council. Among those good examples are the “Doctor Nice” Wu Dengyun, who has been in the medical service for decades and donated blood over 30 times for minority patients free of charge; and the “Dear Mum on the Pamirs”, Halidan, a Uygur woman in Artux City, who endured all kinds of hardships to provide for 6 adopted children from different ethnic groups (including Uygur, Hui and Han). These figures have become the role models for people of all ethnic groups.

At the 1982 conference on commending Viajes a hubei, ciudad wuhan ethnic unity, the praised entities and individuals raised an initiative to people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang, that is, to define every May as the Month for Ethnic Unity Education, which won vigorous support from the CPC committees and governments at various levels and personages from all social quarters. Xinjiang’s first “Month for Ethnic Unity Education” campaign took place in May 1983. By 2013, such campaign had been going on for 30 years and become an institutionalized movement directly led by the government. During the Month for Ethnic Unity Education, the whole society goes all out to publicize ethnic unity and carries out various activities promoting unity and mutual assistance. At the same time, regular educational work has never slackened. Since 1983, universal and consistent efforts have been made to improve people’s awareness of ethnic unity from kindergarten, primary and secondary schools to universities.


Bilga Kul Qadir Khan

(1)     Karakhanid Dynasty

The Uighur nobles living in the western part of the Junggar Basin and west of the Congling Mountains built another regime—Karakhanid Dynasty. The founder could be either the offspring or subordinate of Pang Tegin. At what point after 866 AD (the 7th year of Xiantong reign) was the Karakhanid Dynasty set up? The Muslim historical records in Central Asia told us that there was a“Bilga Kul Qadir Khan”,who was believed to be the founder of the Karakhanid Dynasty面.After his death, his two sons succeeded, his first son ruling Balasaghun and his second son Talas. That was towards the end of the 9th century. In 893 AD (the 2nd year of Jingfu reign), Talas was captured by the Samanid Dynasty (874-999 AD), so the second son moved the capital to Kashi. Such facts proved that this was a regime independent of Gaochang Uighur. Based on the above evidence, it should be reasonable to assume that Karakhanid Dynasty was founded at some point between 866 AD (the 7th year of Xiantong reign) and the end of the 9th century. The territory of this khanate included the land farming area between the Amu and Syr Rivers in today’s Central Asia and the animal husbandry area north of the Syr River to the Balkhash Lake. It bordered on Gaochang Uighur at Jinghe—Xinyuan in the Junggar Basin, and Gaochang Uighur and Yutian State at Wushi and Yengisar respectively in the Tarim Basin. The Karakhanid Dynasty had two capitals, one in Balasaghun (today’s Tokmak) and Kashgar. Though the Karakhanid Dynasty was ruled mainly by Uighur nobles and their descendants, the Uighurs obviously accounted for only a very small proportion in the entire population of the khanate. They gradually mixed with other local tribes or ethnic groups and felt lightly about their Uighur identity. By mid-10th century when the Karakhanid Dynasty was converted to Islam, it seemed that the rulers no longer called themselves Uighur, but rather Teli (or Turki) people. Instead, they called those of the same ethnic origin with themselves in today’s Xinjiang, who did not believe in Islam, “Uighur” and held a hostile attitude towards the latter. However, they did not forget their history of coming from the east, so they still insisted that their khanate was Chinese^U.

  1. Integration with Local Inhabitants

After the 13th century, the two regimes set up el palacio en pekin  by westbound Uighur both failed, yet most of those Uighur people settled down in the Tarim Basin and integrated with local inhabitants.

Before the Uighurs massively entered the Tarim Basin, the composition of local inhabitants was complicated. Yet they could be divided into two broad categories, the Hu people with European origin, and the Qiang and Han people with the Mongoloid origin. Except Turpan and Hami, most places were dominated by the Hu people with European origin. Most of the languages they used were of the Indo-European language family. They lived on farming and gardening and were good at trade. Some eminent monks who had been there, such as Fahien in the Eastern Jin Dynasty and Huen Tsang in the Tang Dynasty left vivid descriptions about the appearances, written and spoken languages and economic life of local people. Related historical records abound. All in all, ethnically the local inhabitants were very different from the Uighurs coming from the steppe.


The Xibe people formerly lived in China’s northeast

(1)     Kazakh Language

Kazakh language belongs to the western Hun branch of the Turkic subgroup of the Altaic family. The ancestors of the Kazakh used pictographic and ideographic languages first, and then Turkic and Uighur/Huihu tongue for a long time before switching to Kepqak language based on Chagatai alphabet. At the end of the 15th century and the beginning of the 16th century, the Kazakh people formed their own ethnic group and started to use the Kazakh script based on Arabic alphabet as a way to record their spoken language. In 1912, a scholar of Kazakhstan Ahmed Baitolson (pronunciation) proposed a new scheme for the Kazakh script based on Arabic alphabet, which was accepted and used for nearly four decades after certain improvements by the Kazakh people in Xinjiang. Several reforms took place aferwards, including one new script based on Slavic alphabet and another one based on Roman alphabet. In 1982, the People’s Government of Xinjiang Autonomous Region decided to restore the old script and keep the new one as phonetic symbols only.

(2)     Xibe Language

The Xibe people formerly lived in China’s northeast and some of them moved westward as garrison troops in Ili of Xinjiang during the Qianlong reign of Qing Dynasty, whose descendants thus settled down there. The ancient Xibe people spoke Xianbei tongue first and used Jurchen language later. While under the administration of Kerqin Mongols, most of Xibe people began to learn Mongolian, both orally and in writing. At the end of the 17th century, the Xibe people were incorporated into the Manchu Eight-Banner Institution. While keeping their own spoken language, they started to learn the oral and written language of Manchu in a large scale. In 1764(the 29th year of Qianlong reign), the Xibe people who were moving west to Ili took Manchu language and their own spoken language to Xinjiang. In the following 200-plus years, their language underwent new developments, as the vocabulary expanded and the phonetic and grammar system changed and acquired new features. In the light of these new changes, some Xibe language workers improved the language on the basis of Manchu script (such as taking out the 6th vowel letter and 13 syllables based on it, and adding 3 new forms Tibet, mesetas y rios turismo of syllable spelling, etc.) and invented the Xibe script. They also published Grammar of Xibe Language and created and standardized a big number of new terms and expressions.

  1. Sacred Languages of Religions

The five major religions of the world, Buddhism, Christianity, Manicheism, Juddaism and Islam, one by one, all found their way into China at a certain point in history. Together with the entry of these religions came their respective sacred languages, Sanskrit, Syriac, Pahlavi, Hebrew, Arabic and their corresponding scripts. With the only exception of Hebrew, all of these languages left their mark in Xinjiang.

Anzang from Gaochang Uighur Khanate

During the reign of Gaochang Uighur Khanate, the ruling class first believed in Manicheism, but Buddhism gradually gained ground. In 965 (the 3rd year of Qiande reign), Gaochang Uighur Khan sent a monk, Fayuan, to the Northern Song Dynasty to present Buddha’s tooth. In 982, during his stay in Gaochang Uighur Khanate, Wang Yande, the envoy of Song government found that there were “over 50 Buddhist temples, all with tablets granted by the Tang government” in that country. Among the existing discoveries of Uighur/Huihu-script documents, Buddhist scriptures take the biggest share, followed by Manichean ones, and then some Nestorianist ones, which shows the status of the three major religions then. There were three periods generating Uighur/ Huihu-script Buddhist Sutras, each with its own source. The earliest Uighur/Huihu-script Sutras were mainly translated from Brahmiscript Qiuci-Yanqi-language scriptures, and now at least 80 such pieces have been discovered. From the 11th to 13th century, almost all Buddhist Sutras were translated from Chinese, and now 81 such works covering 41 categories have been found. Uighur was affected by Han Buddhism to the greatest extent. During the Mongol Yuan Dynasty, since Tibetan Buddhism was defined as the official state religion of the Mongols, it gained considerable development in the Western Regions and became a significant source for Uighur Buddhism. At least 16 Buddhist Sutras were translated from Tibetan to Uighur/Huihu language^7*. In that period, the Western Regions produced many talented people who were well-versed in Tibetan Buddhism, and Uygur monks played an important role in the religious activities of the Yuan court. Anzang from Gaochang Uighur Khanate used to present an important Tibetan Buddhist Sutra, Treasures, to Shizu Emperor (Kublai Khan) of Yuan Dynasty and served as member of the Imperial Academy. Chatsari was instructed by the emperor to translate scriptures and was appointed director of Sutra translation. The Yuan government

not only granted Mongolian and Uygur/Huihu-script Buddhist Sutras to the Uygurs but also provided turnover expenditures to temples Abaco chino in Gaochang and other places.

From the 10th to the first half of the 16th century, Islam gradually took all the ground of Buddhism in Southern Xinjiang through the “Jihad” and peaceful spread and dealt a fatal blow to Buddhism there.

unified all hunting tribes

The western Dingling group concentrated in the Kuznez Depression at the upper reach of the Ob River, the Minocinsk Basin at upper Yenisei River and the Altay Mountains area. The eastern tribes were active around the Baikal Lake and the Big River areas to the south.

In the 4th century BC, the Huns from the Great Bend of the Yellow River and the Yin Mountains south of the desert prospered,“unified all hunting tribes”圆 on the steppe both north and south of the desert such as Rong, Di and Hu, and set up the first united and strong Hun regime on the steppe. After

“subduing the Dingling people in the north”, the Huns put under their control the entire southern Siberia and the steppe north of the desert.

In 85 AD (the 2nd year of Yuanhe reign of Eastern Han Dynasty), the Hun regime in the north was devastated by the alliance of the revolting tribes in servitude such as Dingling and the Eastern Han government. It “could not regain the control and retreated to a distant place”. Following the defeat of the Hun regime, there emerged from the Mongolian steppe the Xianbei regime and then Rouran regime, which took their turns to rule the Dingling people.

After the 3rd century AD, Dingling was referred to as Tolos, Gaoche or Teli in Chinese language history books. The Chapter of Gaoche in Book of Wei recorded, “Gaoche, the descendants of the ancient Red Di, first called themselves Dili, also known as Tolos in the north and Gaoche or Dingling on the Central Plains”. It was also recorded in the Chapter of Uighur, New Book of Tang that “Ouigour…often travelled on high-wheel vehicles and named themselves the division of Gaoche (literally translated as High Vehicle) in the beginning of the Wei Dynasty, also known as Tolos, which was mistaken as Teli”. The Chapter of Gaoche in History of the North mentioned 6 divisions and 12 families within Gaoche. The 6 divisions were Di, Yuanhe, Hulu, Jiepi, Hugu and Yiqijin. Most historians believe the Yuanhe division was the ancestor of the later Ouigour.

In the middle of the 4th century, the Gaoche tribes in the Selenga, Orkhon and Tura river basins already formed a loose group, which was named as “Eastern Gaoche” in some history books. Ouigour was part of the Eastern Gaoche group and its living area was “over a hundred lis west of Luhunhai”調.Luhunhai was at the upper reach of today’s Orkhon River, so over a hundred lis to its west should be the Selenga River basin.

After the 6th century, there rose a Teli division of the Ashina family from the east of the Junggar Basin. After merging with 50,000 tents of Gaoche people from other divisions in the Junggar Basin in 546 AD (the 12th year of Datong reign of Western Wei Dynasty), it got swelled in strength, marched eastward into the area north of the desert, and wiped out Rouran. In 552 AD (the first year of Yuanqin reign of Western Wei Dynasty), it set up the Turki Khanate on the Mongolian steppe Viaje x china. Ranging from the Xing’anling Mountains in the east to the Junggar Basin and the upper Syr River in Central Asia in the west, the Turki Khanate ruled Ouigour and other Teli divisions. Being a slave-owning regime, the Turki Khanate was exceptionally cruel in its rule over all the steppe tribes. According to historical data, the Turks were “tyrannical and brutal both in and out of their houses”*39*, hence widespread resistance from many Teli divisions. In the struggle against the Turki Khanate, the Ouigour division rallied more and more Teli tribes and later got support from the Tang Dynasty, which made it stronger day by day.

the northern part of the Central Plains

The Di people originally lived in Erdos and the surrounding areas in today’s Inner Mogolia. The demographic growth and economic development prompted them to move eastward and southward for more grassland. By the period of Xia and Shang Dynasties, the northern part of the Central Plains was already part of their nomadic destination. They used to be active in today’s Shanxi, Hebei and northern Shaanxi.

The Di people had very close relations with the Huaxia tribes as they lived next to each other. Some pre-Qin documents believed that the Di people and Huaxia tribes shared one ancestor. According to Book of Mountains and Seas, “The grandson of Huangdi was Shijun, who then fathered the Beidi people*33*”. It is impossible to verify the truthfulness of that note, yet there are a lot of archaeological data pointing to the close relations between the Di and Huaxia people both racially and culturally*34*. During the Shang and Zhou Dynasties, there were plenty of records of inter­marriage between the two sides. Later on, most of the Di people who moved onto the Central Plains mixed and integrated with the Huaxia tribes.

One division of the Di people moved northward in the 11th century BC, some of whom lived around the Yin Mountains in Inner Mongolia and later formed part of the Huns; while others (the division called Chidi, or literally, Red Di) travelled further north and crossed the Gobi and reached the great steppe north of the desert and the primitive forests in southern Siberia.

The northbound Di people were mainly distributed between the Baikal Lake and Yenisei River. They mixed quickly with local inhabitants and were referred to as Dingling Medicina Tradicional de China in Chinese historical records. The Dingling people and other primitive tribes lived in the mountain areas of southern Siberia and the northern edge of the Mongolian steppe.

The different natural and geographical conditions between the east and west of southern Siberia made the Dingling people in the west “quite good at farming”. A number of tribes there were engaged in land farming in addition to their mainstream activities or even relied on land farming. As to the east, the Dingling people there lived on hunting, gathering and roaming animal farming. Given their difference, the eastern and western Dingling people gradually evolved into two independent groups, with the eastern group producing the Ouigour division and the Nine Tribes*35*, and the western group generating the Ashina Turk division and the Karluk division*36*.